By Muhammad Moteeb
The grand hospitable nature of South Asia is ready to nurture Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. Pakistan may be exposed to limited but critical opportunities during these visits. The policy of give and take is likely to be followed. Pakistan may prefer security cooperation, but the time demands Islamabad’s involvement in minerals, natural gas, and trade deals. Moreover, Pakistan should place counterterrorism as a prime area for deeper cooperation, as both countries are active supporters of anti-terrorism initiatives.
ISIS-K and Katibat al-Tawhid wal-Jihad (KTJ) are as dangerous as the TTP, and all are based in Afghanistan. Uzbek President Mirziyoyev has time and again urged the Afghan Taliban to address the presence of terrorist groups. Pakistan has also repeatedly urged the Afghan side to control cross-border terrorist activities and the unauthorized influx of weapons from Afghan soil, but nothing has yet yielded results. Tashkent is a major energy supplier to Kabul. Pakistan, Tashkent, and Astana can jointly pressure the Afghan Taliban to develop control over hostile groups that pose threats to border states.
Since Uzbekistan maintains comfortable relations with New Delhi and India–Uzbekistan military “Dustlik” exercises are a regular feature, along with counterterrorism training, Tashkent can also use the leverage of its Indian relations to send a message to Kabul to protect Uzbek trading interests in Afghanistan, such as the Uzbekistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan railway project. However, India’s backing of terrorists operating from Afghanistan and attacking Pakistan remains a hurdle to this project.
India has always used water as a war tactic against Pakistan, and this same mentality has been promoted to the Afghan regime through cooperation. This has created tensions between Afghanistan and Tashkent, as the Taliban’s Qosh Tepa Canal project seeks to divert water from the Amu Darya River, threatening Uzbekistan’s agricultural industry. Pakistan is also facing water terrorism from both Delhi and Kabul. Islamabad can use this point as a catalyst to divert Tashkent’s broader interests from Delhi toward Pakistan.
Uzbekistan is landlocked and is seeking potential and safe sea trade routes. It ranks third in the production of kaolin, fourth in rhenium, and possesses significant proven petrochemical reserves. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are rich in critical minerals that Washington is increasingly focused on. Pakistan, which is already engaging with the US on critical minerals, can develop a consortium with Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan and attract potential US investments directly into Tashkent and Astana’s minerals sector. President Trump may quickly endorse such an initiative, as it aligns with US strategic interests. This would enhance Pakistan’s importance in the eyes of Washington. The ceremonial highlight of both visits could be the signing of potential agreements on critical minerals.
Pakistan can also engage both countries for their support on the Kashmir issue, as they have previously maintained a balanced position rather than endorsing unilateral rhetoric. The military agenda may include discussions on the ongoing sales momentum of JF-17 Thunder fighter aircraft. Mutual needs can be fulfilled by utilizing each other’s resources. Expectations are high, but the results will stand the test of time.
Note: Muhammad Moteeb is studying Liberal Arts in the University of Management and technology (Lahore).
Disclaimer:
The views and opinions expressed in this article/Opinion/Comment are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the DND Thought Center and Dispatch News Desk (DND). Assumptions made within the analysis are not reflective of the position of the DND Thought Center and Dispatch News Desk.
