Editorial
There is a geographical reality that Central Asia can link with South Asia while avoiding Afghanistan through alternative routes such as the Pakistan–China–Tajikistan corridor and the Turkmenistan–Iran–Pakistan route, while most other proposed corridors ultimately pass through Afghan territory.
Historically, the prospect of linking Central Asia with South Asia has rarely translated into tangible success. Flagship projects such as the CASA-1000 power transmission line, the TAPI gas pipeline, and the Uzbekistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan railway project have remained stalled for years, largely due to instability and security challenges emanating from Afghanistan.
Now, however, a new dimension has been added to these long-cherished connectivity dreams. Kazakhstan has announced that during the visit of its president to Pakistan in February, groundwork will be laid for a Kazakhstan–Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan railway link. Alongside the Uzbekistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan railway project, this initiative places Pakistan as a key beneficiary by connecting it directly with Central Asia. At the same time, Afghanistan would emerge as a major beneficiary through cargo transfer fees and expanded access to Pakistani markets for its own trade. Yet the success of both railway projects hinges on a single, unavoidable factor: normalization of Pakistan–Afghanistan relations in the near future.
Pakistan has suspended all kinds of cargo movement to and from Afghanistan due to persistent security threats linked to cross-border trade. Islamabad maintains that Afghanistan has exploited the Pak–Afghan trade corridor to facilitate the infiltration of terrorists into Pakistan and has officially supported the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which has carried out attacks on Pakistani soil. In this environment, large-scale regional connectivity projects remain vulnerable, regardless of their economic promise.
In July 2025, Kazakhstan and Afghanistan signed a memorandum of understanding to enhance connectivity and trade across Central and South Asia through the Towrgondi–Spin Boldak corridor. The first phase of this initiative covers a 113-kilometer railway section from Towrgondi to Herat, including the establishment of a logistics hub in Herat city. The second phase plans to extend the route from Herat to Kandahar and onward to Spin Boldak near the Pakistan border. Altogether, this north–south corridor will span 790 kilometers, linking Central Asia with South Asia and significantly reducing freight delivery times.
For Kazakhstan, this railway is central to its strategy of expanding transit routes. Improved access to southern markets would reduce reliance on northern corridors and strengthen Kazakhstan’s economic influence and geopolitical standing in the wider region. The July 2025 MoU builds on an earlier protocol signed in April 2025, which proposed forming a joint venture involving Kazakhstan, Afghanistan, and Turkmenistan under the International Financial Centre framework. Once completed, the railway would serve as a critical artery for international trade, creating a faster and more reliable connection between Central Asia and global markets and reinforcing Kazakhstan’s ambition to emerge as a regional logistics hub.
Against this backdrop, Pakistan and Kazakhstan are moving toward formalizing their own bilateral railway cooperation. President Kassym-Jomart Kemeluly Tokayev of Kazakhstan is scheduled to visit Pakistan on February 3, 2026, to ink an agreement on Pakistan–Kazakhstan rail connectivity. This development was disclosed by the Ambassador of Kazakhstan to Pakistan, Yerzhan Kistafin, during a meeting with Federal Minister for Railways Mohammad Hanif Abbasi. The meeting focused on regional connectivity and railway cooperation, highlighting the strategic importance both countries attach to the project.
The proposed network is envisioned to extend through Chaman, comprehensively connecting Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, and Kazakhstan. The Pakistan–Kazakhstan Rail Connectivity Project, estimated at USD 7 billion, is expected to be completed within a record period of three years. If realized, it would significantly alter the regional economic landscape by positioning Pakistan as a gateway between Central Asia and the Arabian Sea while offering landlocked Central Asian states a viable route to international markets.
However, the decisive factor remains Afghanistan. The ball is now firmly in Kabul’s court. Afghanistan must decide whether it will continue to align with global terrorist networks and persist in policies that harm Pakistan, or whether it will prioritize regional cooperation and the collective desire of neighboring states to connect with Pakistan through railways and power supply lines. With the presidents of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan both scheduled to visit Pakistan in February 2026, and with railway linkages expected to feature prominently on their agendas, Pakistan holds diplomatic leverage. Islamabad can engage these Central Asian leaders to use their good offices to urge Afghanistan to revisit and review its policies of promoting, funding, and supporting terrorist groups that pose an existential threat to Pakistan.
Central Asian states—particularly Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, all of which border Afghanistan—are acutely aware that instability in Afghanistan represents a constant threat to regional peace. Their flagship projects, including Tajikistan’s CASA-1000, Turkmenistan’s TAPI, and Uzbekistan’s railway link to Pakistan, cannot be realized unless Afghanistan becomes a safer place governed by an internationally recognized administration that abandons the use of terrorism as diplomatic leverage.
Ultimately, regional connectivity is not merely an economic aspiration; it is a test of political will and collective responsibility. The promise of railways, pipelines, and power corridors will remain unfulfilled unless Afghanistan chooses cooperation over confrontation and stability over militancy. The coming months, marked by high-level diplomatic engagements, may well determine whether Central and South Asia finally move from unrealized plans to meaningful integration.
