DND Special Report
The province of Balochistan is facing not only serious law and order and security challenges but also a perceivable collapse of civil administration. Instead of addressing the administrative failures that have weakened governance in the province, Chief Minister Mir Sarfraz Bugti appears to be increasingly targeting federal institutions that are working to address developmental challenges in Balochistan.
His criticism of the Frontier Works Organisation (FWO), in light of the available information regarding road projects and security-related challenges, appears baseless and uncalled for, raising questions about whether the provincial government is attempting to divert public attention from its own failures.
“The test of Bugti will not be how forcefully he criticizes federal institutions, but whether he can demonstrate measurable improvements in security that is foremost responsibility of provincial government under 18th constitutional amendment, governance and development for the people of Balochistan”
Terrorism, corruption, institutional mafias and administrative inefficiency are among the primary governance challenges confronting Balochistan under Chief Minister Sarfraz Bugti. During an official Secretaries’ Committee meeting, as reported by Dawn on October 4, 2026, Bugti himself acknowledged that poor governance actively strengthens terrorism in the province. However, this admission raises a fundamental question: who is responsible for the poor governance that the chief minister himself has identified as a factor contributing to the worsening security situation?
“Bugti criticises delays in developmental projects executed by the FWO, concerns have also been raised about delays in projects handled by private contractors reportedly having family connections with his family”
As the administrative head of the province, Bugti bears primary political and administrative responsibility for the performance of the provincial government. He has been heading Balochistan since 2024 and has also previously served as a provincial minister responsible for security-related affairs. His own acknowledgment of the relationship between administrative weaknesses and terrorism therefore makes it necessary to examine what his government has done to rectify these problems.
The connection between administrative failure and terrorism is not merely theoretical. Poor governance strengthens terrorism in Balochistan, while reports published by local media, including Balochistan Express, have highlighted the provincial administration’s difficulties in countering misleading narratives among younger people.
“Bugti’s criticism of FWO raises questions about his own government’s performance”
Structural underdevelopment, inadequate public services and the inability of government institutions to respond effectively to citizens’ needs provide insurgent factions with opportunities to exploit public grievances, recruit young people and challenge state authority. When the administration fails to deliver, the government is forced to play catch-up in restoring public confidence and bridging the trust gap between citizens and the state.
These challenges cannot be overcome through security operations alone. They require an administration capable of delivering development, ensuring accountability and addressing the grievances that can be exploited by hostile elements. The chief minister’s acknowledgment of the governance-security connection should therefore have prompted a comprehensive review of provincial departments and their performance.
“Balochistan needs better governance, not blame-shifting”
Instead, recurring friction between the provincial leadership and federal institutions risks diverting attention from the reforms that Balochistan urgently needs. The prevailing situation suggests that the province’s political leadership has struggled to counter narratives propagated by terrorist groups, while the provincial government continues to depend heavily on kinetic security operations to address the terrorism challenge. Although security operations remain essential, lasting stability requires effective civil administration, credible public services, institutional accountability and development that reaches ordinary citizens. Without these measures, the government risks continuing to fight the symptoms of instability while leaving its underlying causes unresolved.
The scale of the administrative challenge is illustrated by newspaper reports concerning powerful corrupt mafias allegedly operating within provincial government departments and severely affecting their performance. An internal committee’s findings concerning 428 provincial employees across 28 departments who were allegedly involved in illegal dual employment raise serious questions about the effectiveness of verification, internal controls and accountability mechanisms.
The identification of such irregularities underscores the need for sustained institutional reform. The provincial government must demonstrate that it can dismantle entrenched networks, improve departmental efficiency and ensure that public resources are used for their intended purposes. These responsibilities fall squarely within the provincial administration’s domain and, ultimately, the Chief Minister’s Office. Criticising a federal development organisation does not resolve corruption, eliminate ghost employees or restore the performance of provincial departments.
Against this backdrop, Bugti’s criticism of the FWO is particularly questionable. Available information concerning several road projects indicates that the organisation has been working under difficult security conditions and has made progress on important infrastructure projects. Delays in other projects have been linked to funding shortages, escalating costs, provincial design issues or contracts awarded to other contractors. The record also raises questions about the provincial government’s handling of projects that remain incomplete.
The 115-kilometre Turbat–Mand road, which forms part of the M-8 Motorway, is a vital transport artery for trade between Pakistan and Iran. Its importance extends beyond local connectivity, as improved road infrastructure can facilitate commercial activity and strengthen economic links in the region. However, the project has faced delays associated with provincial government design and funding issues. Work is currently underway on an 86-kilometre stretch of the road, with progress reportedly acknowledged during a meeting chaired by the secretary of the Communications and Works (C&W) Department on June 15, 2026.
Furthermore, on September 21, 2026, Provincial Minister Zahoor Ahmed Buledi praised the quality of work on the Turbat–Mand road, describing it as a long-standing demand of the people of Kech. This public appreciation raises questions about the grounds on which the FWO is now being criticised by Bugti. If progress has been acknowledged by the relevant provincial department and the quality of construction has been praised by a provincial minister, the chief minister’s objections require specific evidence and a clear explanation.
The security environment in which the project is being implemented must also be considered. The FWO has reportedly faced explosive attacks, assaults, arson and sabotage by hostile elements identified as BLA (Fitna-al-Hindustan) and TTP (Fitna-al-Khawarij) while operating in Balochistan’s rugged and hazardous terrain.
Despite these threats, FWO personnel have continued working on developmental projects. On June 6, 2026, Lieutenant Colonel Arsalan Haleem embraced martyrdom while serving on the Turbat–Mand road project. His sacrifice highlights the security risks faced by personnel working on infrastructure projects in the province. Any assessment of the FWO’s performance must take these operational realities into account rather than treating development work as if it were being undertaken in a secure and stable environment.
The record of other road projects further complicates attempts to attribute delays to the FWO without examining the contractual and administrative circumstances. The 73-kilometre Rakhni–Baker road project was terminated by mutual consent of the FWO and the provincial government on July 5, 2024, because of a shortage of funds and rising costs. Subsequently, the contract was awarded to contractors reportedly preferred by Chief Minister Sarfraz Bugti. Nevertheless, the project remains incomplete, raising continuing questions about its eventual completion.
“Bugti’s reported confrontations with federal organisations are not limited to the FWO. During a heated address in the Balochistan Assembly, he criticised officials associated with the Airport Security Force and Pakistan Television”
If a project awarded to other contractors remains unfinished, the provincial government must explain the reasons for the delay, the steps taken to overcome the obstacles and the expected completion schedule. Responsibility cannot reasonably be shifted to an organisation that was not responsible for executing the relevant contract.
The Jhal Jhao–Awaran road presents an even clearer issue of attribution. The project was never assigned to the FWO, yet attempts were reportedly made to place responsibility for its delays on the organisation. These examples underscore the need for a project-by-project examination of contracts, funding arrangements, construction responsibilities and implementation schedules. Without such an examination, criticism risks becoming a means of diverting attention rather than improving development outcomes.
The FWO has also demonstrated significant progress on a 524-kilometre stretch of the N-25. Its performance on the Khuzdar–Kalat section has reportedly been commended by the Ministry of Communications, including in comparison with other contractors. However, the security environment along the highway remains a serious concern. More than 30 security-related incidents have reportedly occurred on the N-25 since December 2025, including abductions and loss of life. During an attack on the highway in Bela, FWO personnel reportedly repelled the assault and neutralised one of the terrorists.
These incidents demonstrate that infrastructure development in Balochistan involves risks that extend beyond construction schedules and engineering challenges. Contractors and their personnel must operate amid threats that can disrupt work, endanger lives and impose additional operational burdens. Such circumstances should be considered in any fair assessment of the performance of organisations engaged in development work across the province.
The question of accountability becomes even more important when the performance of other development projects is examined. Although Bugti criticises delays in developmental projects executed by the FWO, concerns have also been raised about delays in projects handled by private contractors reportedly having family connections with his family. Important projects that remain delayed include the Awaran–Nal, Hoshab–Awaran, Zhob–Kuchlak, Basima–Khuzdar and Nokkundi–Mashkel roads, as well as the Dera Murad Jamali bypass and Mangi Dam.
The status of these projects deserves a detailed explanation from the provincial government and the relevant executing authorities. Citizens need to know which projects are delayed, who is responsible for implementation, whether funds have been released, what obstacles have arisen and when the projects are expected to be completed. Any allegations concerning contractors’ relationships with political officeholders should also be addressed through transparent disclosure and documentary evidence. The provincial government cannot credibly claim to be addressing Balochistan’s development needs while leaving major projects delayed and failing to provide clear, evidence-based explanations for their status.
The FWO’s record includes progress on major road projects, reported appreciation from provincial and federal officials, and continued work despite serious security threats. Other projects have faced funding shortages, rising costs, design-related issues or delays under contractors other than the FWO. These distinctions must be established and respected before responsibility is assigned.
Bugti’s reported confrontations with federal organisations are not limited to the FWO. During a heated address in the Balochistan Assembly, reported by Daily Qudrat, he criticised officials associated with the Airport Security Force (ASF) and Pakistan Television (PTV), arguing that important administrative decisions were being made by bureaucrats sitting in air-conditioned rooms who were disconnected from the realities faced by the people of Balochistan.
While coordination between federal and provincial institutions is essential, public criticism alone cannot resolve operational disagreements. Such disputes require evidence-based assessments, institutional dialogue and clearly defined responsibilities. The same principle applies to the FWO. If the provincial government has genuine concerns about a project’s quality, cost, implementation or compliance with contractual obligations, those concerns should be established through documented evidence and a transparent technical review. Generalised criticism that creates public hostility towards a federal organisation is not a substitute for such scrutiny.
The criticism of the FWO therefore appears uncalled for unless Bugti can substantiate his objections with specific evidence. The provincial government should publish project-wise progress reports, contractual responsibilities, funding details, independent quality assessments and realistic completion schedules. It should also explain the status of delayed projects and clarify the reasons for any changes in contractors or implementation arrangements.
Balochistan cannot afford a continuing cycle in which administrative failures are acknowledged but responsibility is shifted elsewhere. Nor can it overcome terrorism through kinetic action alone while weaknesses in governance, public service delivery and development remain unresolved.
The province needs an administration that can govern effectively, protect public resources, deliver development and coordinate constructively with federal institutions. If the existing political and administrative arrangements cannot meet these basic requirements, substantial reforms may become unavoidable.
Ultimately, the test of Bugti’s government will not be how forcefully it criticizes federal institutions, but whether it can demonstrate measurable improvements in security that is foremost responsibility of provincial government under 18th constitutional amendment, governance and development for the people of Balochistan. Before pointing fingers at federal departments, the chief minister must put his own house in order, address the failures within the provincial administration and demonstrate that his government can deliver on its responsibilities.
