Khalid Khan
No problem in the world cannot be solved peacefully. Every difficulty carries an easy solution and an opportunity. If one is genuinely serious about resolving issues, nothing remains insurmountable.
In ancient times, kings ruled; today, they are called the establishment. Just as kings had nine courtiers, the establishment also had its special circle. These courtiers lack the moral courage to offer truthful and righteous advice or guidance to the ruling clique. They merely say what the ruler wants to hear—regardless of whether the advice sinks the kingdom or leads the king from the throne to the gallows. It makes no difference to these courtiers. And why would it? They have not reached their positions through intelligence or integrity but by using other tactics. These are people with compromising loyalty to faith, land, or nation. Their lives begin and end with their self-interests.
The Pakistani state has been in a constant and prolonged conflict with the Baloch people. The Balochs see the state of Pakistan as an occupying force, while the state labels the Baloch as separatists. Neither is the state an occupier nor are the Baloch separatists. The issue is one of misunderstandings and foolish decisions. This article attempts to present the reality of Balochistan to the state so that there may be ease in understanding and explaining each other’s perspectives. It should be considered a sincere effort to dispel the misunderstandings created by these courtiers.
The issue of Balochistan began with the creation of Pakistan when, during the partition of the subcontinent, three out of four Baloch states decided to join Pakistan, while the state of Kalat chose to retain its independent status. However, within a short period, the Khan of Kalat reconsidered his decision and, in March 1948, opted to join Pakistan. Some informed sources claim that the Khan of Kalat, Ahmed Yar Khan, did not make this decision wholeheartedly and that his displeasure was evident as he signed the accession documents. While the Khan of Kalat was unhappy with this decision, his brother, Prince Abdul Karim, completely rejected it. Prince Abdul Karim, along with 200-250 of his companions, took refuge in the desert areas of Jhalawan and began guerrilla operations.
At that time, the garrison commander of the Pakistani army was General Akbar Khan, whose Seventh Regiment was prepared to crush this resistance. There is undeniable evidence that Pakistani army officers took an oath on the Quran at Parboty, declaring a general amnesty for the rebels and inviting Prince Abdul Karim to return. Trusting the Pakistan Army, Prince Abdul Karim decided to return with his companions and surrendered to the Army. However, upon their return, not only they were arrested, but they were also subjected to severe punishments. The government tribunal sentenced all rebels to long prison terms and heavy fines on December 4, 1948. Prince Abdul Karim was not spared either.
This was an opportunity where the repenting rebels should have been granted the promised amnesty and integrated into the national mainstream.
It is also crucial to note that the Baloch people, as a nation, did not support Prince Abdul Karim’s rebellion. Only his 250 personal attendants and associates were with him. It would be entirely incorrect to claim that the Baloch, as a whole, rejected Pakistan’s accession. Throughout Balochistan, Prince Abdul Karim and his 250 companions held no significant influence, yet an individual’s decision was unnecessarily given the color and name of a national Baloch resistance.
The issue of law and order in Balochistan actually emerged during President Ayub Khan’s era when he merged the entire western Pakistan into a single province. He took this step out of fear of the numerical dominance of East Pakistan. This One Unit policy primarily benefited Punjab, as it strengthened its position relative to Bengal, while the other three provinces were unhappy with the decision. Balochistan, in particular, had severe concerns, as this system allowed them only one or two seats in the Western Pakistan Assembly.
“This same anger makes them vulnerable to recruitment by terrorist organizations. They are led to believe that their suffering is solely the state’s fault and are sold the illusion of independence. Their leaders are dancing to the tunes of foreign, anti-Pakistan masters”
Baloch tribal leaders and politicians saw this as an attack on Balochistan’s identity and autonomy. When their concerns were ignored, Sher Mohammad Marri and his companions from the Marri tribe began guerrilla operations against the government. They ambushed military convoys, bombed railway tracks, fired upon sentries, and targeted army camps. In response, the Pakistan Army launched ground offensives as well as aerial attacks. Sher Mohammad Marri and his family’s 13,000-acre almond orchards were destroyed. By December 1964, the conflict had escalated uncontrollably, causing heavy casualties on both sides. In December 1965, another military operation resulted in the deaths of 200 soldiers. In this conflict, the Pakistan Air Force was also used, but Pakistani troops had to retreat. Eventually, on January 28, 1967, the government announced a general amnesty. Negotiations were held, and it was agreed that political prisoners would be released, and tribal chieftaincies and official privileges restored. It should be noted that President Ayub Khan had revoked certain Baloch chieftains’ titles as punishment. Thus, the military operations in Balochistan, which had started in 1958, came to an end.
“A war-torn and impoverished province, where out of a 60-member provincial assembly, 40 are ministers and advisors—what kind of humanity and democracy is this?”
Apart from Prince Abdul Karim’s rebellion, Nawab Nauroz Khan also led an armed resistance. When the Pakistani government launched a military action against the Khan of Kalat in 1958 and arrested him on charges of rebellion, the army advanced on Jhalawan. Nawab Nauroz Khan, along with his warriors, took refuge in Mir Ghat. At that time, he was 90 years old and had around 600 fighters with him. They initiated guerrilla operations. The martial law authorities were deeply concerned about these armed activities. They sent some tribal leaders to Nawab Nauroz Khan with copies of the Quran, promising that all his demands would be met if he came for talks as a guest. When Nawab Nauroz Khan, along with his sons, nephew, and close aides, arrived for negotiations, they were all arrested and transported overnight to the infamous Quli Camp. Later, they were tried in a military court. Seven individuals were sentenced to death, while Nawab Nauroz Khan was given life imprisonment due to his old age. The entire Balochistan remained silent during Nawab Nauroz Khan’s resistance, and no one supported him. Only he and a few hundred companions were engaged in these activities. Could they have been persuaded to disarm through dialogue? Absolutely. But this opportunity was also lost.
Throughout Ayub Khan’s long rule, Balochistan remained in constant unrest due to four main reasons: the imposition of the One Unit policy, the 1956 law, widespread injustice, and Ayub Khan’s belief that the Baloch could be controlled through force and coercion. He ordered the establishment of military camps at key locations in Balochistan. These camps made the Baloch feel imprisoned and encircled. These actions led to the beginning of resentment against Punjab, as the majority of the military personnel were Punjabis.
During this period, the military-inflicted wounds on Balochistan continued to fester, and instead of healing them, reckless decisions turned them into chronic sores. The killing of Nawab Akbar Bugti was the deepest wound, further deteriorating the situation in Balochistan.
For years, the state treated Baloch leaders like Nawab Akbar Bugti with favors rather than addressing the grievances of the common Baloch people. His death is another story of accessive use of power, senseless decisions, and reckless action against an 80-year-old man who was already on his deathbed. As a result, tribal chieftains grew more powerful while the general Baloch population remained deprived. The lack of education, economic development, and political inclusion led to growing resentment, which eventually fueled separatist tendencies. Today, Baloch youth, physically confined to remote mountains, are mentally connected to London and New York through digital media. They feel betrayed by the system, and their anger turns into rebellion.
This same anger makes them vulnerable to recruitment by terrorist organizations. They are led to believe that their suffering is solely the state’s fault and are sold the illusion of independence. Their leaders are dancing to the tunes of foreign, anti-Pakistan masters. Due to Balochistan’s significance, where Gwadar, vast mineral resources, and strategic importance lie, anti-Pakistan elements will never allow peace to be established there. In the fire ignited by the Baloch chieftains at the behest of foreign powers, Baloch youth are being used as fuel. Due to state negligence, instead of embracing them, they are being turned into missing persons. As a reaction to this, the number of insurgents is increasing day by day. Foreign funding, military equipment, planning, and guidance are making this fire more intense every day.
Caught in the whirlpool of its compulsions, the state is imposing one shady system after another on the Baloch people. In corruption, embezzlement, nepotism, and poor governance, Balochistan has become a model region of the world. The devastation caused by civil bureaucracy, lower-level corruption and smuggling within security institutions, and the looting by the political elite are no secrets.
A war-torn and impoverished province, where out of a 60-member provincial assembly, 40 are ministers and advisors—what kind of humanity and democracy is this?
Another serious issue for the state is its lack of understanding of ethnic groups. Whether Baloch or Pashtun, the state does not comprehend their temperament, culture, nature, and history. Killing a discontented Baloch or Pashtun Pakistani is not a solution to the problem; rather, the killing of one rebel gives birth to a hundred more, paving the way for endless war and conflict.
It is necessary that the state, realizing the situation in Balochistan, establishes a government comprising the most intelligent, capable, professional, and upright individuals in the shortest possible time. The bureaucracy should be reined in and made servants instead of rulers. The state should not succumb to any political blackmail. Security should be increased manifold. Peace for ordinary citizens must be ensured.
Development projects should be initiated on an emergency basis. No Baloch youth should remain unemployed. The Baloch economy should be improved. Baloch youth should be given positive ideological guidance.
A small civil government should remain on the same page with security institutions and serve as each other’s strength and support. If this is not done, Balochistan will not survive. Whoever refuses to take these steps does not want Pakistan to exist.
Disclaimer:
The views and opinions expressed in this article/Opinion/Comment are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the DND Thought Center and Dispatch News Desk (DND). Assumptions made within the analysis are not reflective of the position of the DND Thought Center and Dispatch News Desk News.
