By Dr Shazia Anwer Cheema
It is never easy to internalise defeat. No matter how strongly cognitive dissonance resists it, defeat manifests itself often in strange and mysterious ways. For those like me, who follow geopolitics closely, even seemingly low-profile or less explicit events, designed merely as narrative precursors — become significant. These subtle developments, often in the form of think-tank papers, discussions, or lectures, reveal the pulse of future trajectories.
Recently, I followed a series of lectures delivered by the 6th Chief of the RSS (Aug 26–28, 2025) in Delhi, where he engaged with around 1,000 invitees, diplomats, professionals, and journalists. Before discussing the details of that lecture, it is important to sketch some background for the readers, so they can connect the dots.
The BJP’s recent 11-year tenure in government was built almost entirely on optics. Everything was framed in ways that resonated with the domestic public a tough tone, promises of economic prosperity, and constant misinformation about India’s economic and diplomatic standing. The repetition of this narrative seeped deep into the mindset of the ordinary Indian, who began to believe that India was the world’s fourth-largest economy.
This belief ignored the complexities of India’s GDP structure, which is not simply about gross domestic production. Instead, it reflects the sheer size of India’s population, distributed across three tiers: multinational corporations, mid-sized businesses, and an immense unregistered shadow economy. The government and non-government workforce also plays into this mix. On the balance of purchasing power parity (PPP), India stands nowhere near the top global economies. Thus, the drama of GDP, with its deliberate complexities — created a façade, distracting the population from their worsening ground realities.
The optics extended to diplomacy as well. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar were portrayed domestically as influential world leaders. This narrative worked, until one miscalculated move exposed its fragility.
It is not that BJP had not erred before. One could draft an extensive charge sheet: destruction of religious sites, human rights violations, nullification of indigenous rights, mob lynching over cow slaughter, and the demonisation of Punjabi farmers. In short, minorities and marginalised groups across India — from Nagaland to Bengal, from Bihar to Punjab, and in Indian Occupied Kashmir — faced systematic political, economic, and social persecution.
The real breaking point came with the preparations for the Bihar elections. The BJP once again fell back on its tested formula of hate-mongering, this time accompanied by a false-flag terror attack in Pahalgam. Unlike before, this time the ploy backfired. The world, fatigued by India’s repetitive drama, remained silent. India escalated further by striking Pakistan, but Pakistan retaliated with a blow India had never imagined. The result was a humiliating defeat, coupled with diplomatic isolation. India suddenly found itself without allies, save for Israel.
Usually, such pivotal moments trigger a paradigm shift. Instead, the Indian government chose denial, continuing its farcical claims of “all is well.”
This brings us to Mohan Bhagwat’s lectures. The RSS, an extremist ideological organisation, is the parent body of the BJP. Its hyper-puritan, Brahminical vision went largely unnoticed for decades, until its political wing (BJP) gained state power. That ideology of zero tolerance for non-upper-caste Hindus soon translated into practical policies, engulfing the entire cultural fabric of society. Lower castes, Tribes, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, and other minorities endured systematic political, economic, and social purges.
Now, with India’s recent defeat and growing diplomatic isolation, the RSS is being forced to answer uncomfortable questions. Critics within India are directly blaming its ideology for extremism, terrorism, sectarianism, and the resulting global rejection.
Against this backdrop, Bhagwat emphasised one key point: flexibility. He argued that the RSS has been misunderstood, that it is not rigid but adaptable. He claimed RSS respects all parts of Akhand Bharat, even those that are now sovereign states. Within India, he said, Muslims and Sikhs represent the beauty of its rich cultural tapestry. Islam and Christianity, he admitted, are permanent parts of India; the only problem is mistrust.
“This sudden, humiliatingly visible shift has burst India’s carefully crafted balloon of narratives”
According to Bhagwat, Hindus should feel confident: there is no need to search for a Shivling in every mosque. But he insisted that three sites — Ayodhya, Kashi, and Mathura are “special claims.” He declared that Hindu-Muslim unity is redundant because “unity already exists.
The real bombshell was his subtle dissociation of RSS from BJP: the RSS runs society, while BJP runs the state. He remained enigmatic about RSS influence in appointing the next BJP president, suggesting both distance and influence at once.
He also distanced the organisation from M.S. Golwalkar’s notorious views in Bunch of Thoughts (labeling Muslims, Christians, and Communists as “internal enemies”). Bhagwat stressed that such views were long removed from RSS anthologies. Further, he claimed that the RSS does not treat scripture (shastra) as absolute; rather, people’s practices (loka) matter more.
“India’s blatant kinetic defeat has shaken the very foundations of Hindutva and tarnished the dream of Akhand Bharat”
He acknowledged that Hinduism has no single book and evolves through practice and interpretation. On caste, he rejected Manusmriti passages endorsing discrimination and proposed that, if necessary, a new smriti be created inclusive of all castes. The RSS slogan now is “one temple, one well, one cremation ground.” On reservations, Bhagwat balanced both sides but emphasised empathy for historically oppressed classes.
For some, this may sound bizarre; even opportunistic; coming from the head of the RSS. But ignoring it would mean missing the signs of a paradigm shift. Behind this sudden “flexibility” lies an unspoken acknowledgement: a multi-layered defeat, and the painful process of accepting it.
India’s blatant kinetic defeat has shaken the very foundations of Hindutva and tarnished the dream of Akhand Bharat. The RSS is now visibly distancing itself from Modi, and implicitly rejecting responsibility for the BJP government’s failures. Having sensed rejection of its long-standing separatist, sectarian, and extremist ideology, the organisation is recalibrating its optics — even discussing topics once taboo within its cult.
This sudden, humiliatingly visible shift has burst India’s carefully crafted balloon of narratives; narratives built on lies and deceit. All of it was punctured by a war that has changed not only India’s internal dynamics but also the balance of the region
